The Devil's Agent: Life and Crimes of the Nazi Klaus Barbie was written by my friend and colleague Peter McFarren and Fadrique Iglesias, and published last year in English and Spanish. It was just reviewed by The Times of London.
Barbie, aka Klaus Altmann (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Klaus_Barbie) lived in La Paz, Bolivia for many years and I met him during a chance encounter. I wrote the Introduction to the book. With respect to the copyright holders, I'm copying on this blog what I wrote for the book.
The Devil's Agent: Life and Crimes of the Nazi Klaus Barbie
Introduction, by John
Enders
One afternoon in mid-1982 Luis Arce Gomez, the interior minister in Bolivia’s rightwing military dictatorship led by Gen. Luis Garcia Meza and formerly the regime’s dreaded head of Army intelligence and its secret paramilitary police, left his office for a ceremony at the Army’s ‘Estado Mayor,” or general staff headquarters, inside the Miraflores Army building in central La Paz. It was a ceremony closed to the public and the press, and included all then-current officials of Army intelligence (known as G-2), as well as past officials who had served during the decades following World War II. I had just finished interviewing Arce Gomez, and he invited me to accompany him. The event at Army headquarters was to decorate an ailing, septuagenarian general for his many years of work in the country’s intelligence apparatus. The chiefs of Bolivian intelligence and all its branches were there, as were several less presentable creatures who normally never left the basement of the Interior Ministry, where the torture rooms were located.
One afternoon in mid-1982 Luis Arce Gomez, the interior minister in Bolivia’s rightwing military dictatorship led by Gen. Luis Garcia Meza and formerly the regime’s dreaded head of Army intelligence and its secret paramilitary police, left his office for a ceremony at the Army’s ‘Estado Mayor,” or general staff headquarters, inside the Miraflores Army building in central La Paz. It was a ceremony closed to the public and the press, and included all then-current officials of Army intelligence (known as G-2), as well as past officials who had served during the decades following World War II. I had just finished interviewing Arce Gomez, and he invited me to accompany him. The event at Army headquarters was to decorate an ailing, septuagenarian general for his many years of work in the country’s intelligence apparatus. The chiefs of Bolivian intelligence and all its branches were there, as were several less presentable creatures who normally never left the basement of the Interior Ministry, where the torture rooms were located.
Klaus Barbie, known in Bolivia as Klaus Altmann, was a guest of honor at this event.
Barbie’s presence in the country, and his role in advising Bolivia’s military and intelligence officers in interrogation techniques and other practices, were widely known and had been for years. He was of great interest to the Nazi hunters in France and Israel.
Barbie’s presence in the country, and his role in advising Bolivia’s military and intelligence officers in interrogation techniques and other practices, were widely known and had been for years. He was of great interest to the Nazi hunters in France and Israel.
Arce Gomez introduced me
to Barbie as “my so-called instructor.” Then Barbie began talking about the
allegations that he had committed crimes against humanity during the time he
headed the Gestapo unit in Lyon, France. He ranted against journalists who were
attempting to expose him to international publicity, including several who he
said had cheated him out of book rights or had otherwise hoodwinked him. He talked
openly about his connections to other former Nazis living in the Southern Cone
region of South America, without naming them.
It was clear then that Barbie felt no remorse for his wartime
actions. “I was a man of war in a time of war,” he told me.
The personal affection and close professional ties between
Arce Gomez and Barbie were clear. They had worked together closely over the years,
particularly after the military seized power in a July 1980 coup d’etat and
during the months of severe and brutal repression against Bolivia’s labor union,
campesino and leftist political leaders and journalists that followed.
Everything comes to an end, however. Eventually, Barbie lost
the protection afforded him by his friends in the Bolivian military. At the end
of 1982, a liberal democratic regime returned to power in Bolivia and the
military leaders who had led the coup, including Arce Gomez and Garcia Meza,
were disgraced and eventually jailed. The rest of the army returned to their
barracks, where they have remained. All of a sudden, Barbie had nowhere to hide
and no one to hide behind. The world knew where he was and who he was, and he
had no one to protect him any longer.
Barbie, after the war, had entered first Argentina and later Bolivia
with false documents under the Altmann name, and he lived for many years in
relative prosperity and comfort. By the 1970s, however, largely due to investigations
by the Klarsfeld brothers, his real identity and whereabouts had become known.
France first requested his extradition from Bolivia in 1973.
Today, Barbie’s activities during World War II, his ties to
right-wing military dictatorships in South America and the thugs who ran them,
and to the illicit traffic in cocaine are all known. It has always astonished me that Barbie (and other Nazis)
lived freely for so many years in South America, and that even after he was
unmasked and France had requested his extradition, it still took a decade to
bring him to trial. It wasn’t until 1983 that he was finally returned to
France, where he was tried, convicted and sentenced to life in prison, and where
he died a pathetic old man in a prison cell in 1991.
Barbie’s ties to military
leaders in Bolivia had first paid off during the 1971-78 regime of Gen. Hugo
Banzer Suarez, himself a descendant of German immigrants. Banzer ruled Bolivia
as an iron-fisted, anti-communist dictator. Not surprisingly, France’s extradition
request was denied in 1974 by Bolivia’s military-appointed Supreme Court. It ruled that Barbie could not
be extradited because he was a Bolivian citizen, even though it had clearly been
shown that his citizenship was fraudulently obtained.
During
the extradition proceedings Barbie spoke to the local press and seemed un-awed
by the possibility that he might lose his freedom or his comfortable place in
Bolivian society. And comfortable it was. During the 1970s and early 1980s he was
regularly seen walking the streets of La Paz, sipping café at his regular
corner table at the Club La Paz with a bodyguard and friends. After his
extradition was denied in 1974, Barbie later said he had made a deal with
Banzer. In exchange for a ruling in his favor, he would keep his mouth shut and
keep a low profile. Apparently, he agreed.
In
the three decades that have passed since my brief encounter with Barbie in La
Paz much has been learned, and published, about how high-level Nazis escaped Germany
and resettled in several South American countries after the war. The
involvement of Roman Catholic, International Red Cross, U.S. military intelligence
and other officials is a dark stain on the history of justice, human rights and
the rule of law. Barbie’s postwar connections, the interconnectedness of Nazi
networks in South America, and their usefulness to rightwing militaries
throughout the continent -- in Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Paraguay,
Bolivia – constitute a shameful chapter in Latin American history.
With the elaboration of The Devil's Agent: Life and Crimes of the Nazi Klaus Barbie, the
extent of those connections, relationships and collaborations is now available.
It is for this reason that the book you are reading is unique. The work of
Peter McFarren and Fadrique Iglesias is a significant contribution to the
historical literature regarding Nazis in South America, and specifically the
history of Barbie’s role during the corrupt and brutal rightwing regimes that
ruled Bolivia in the 1970s and early 1980s. And it offers a fascinating glimpse
inside a fascinating country’s complex social and political fabric.
How is it possible for a Nazi butcher, on the run, to survive
– even thrive – in a foreign land for 35 years? In The Devil's Agent: Life and Crimes of the Nazi Klaus Barbie, the reader will find answers to
that vexing question.
No comments:
Post a Comment